1965年，哈比比發表有關航空工程的論文，獲得「非常好」的評語，獲得「工學博士」（Doktor der Ingenieurwissenschaften）的頭銜。同一年，哈比比跟隨漢斯·埃布（Hans Ebner）繼續從事熱彈性力學的研究，努力取得特許任教資格。但他也同時漸漸的減少單純追求成為亞琛工業大學教授的渴望，因為他有關light construction for supersonic or hypersonic states的理論也讓波音公司和空中巴士延攬他進入公司，但哈比比還是拒絕了。 哈比比曾經接受位於德國漢堡的Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm的工作。在那裡，他發展出了一些有關熱力學、建築，和氣體動力學的理論，並分別提出哈比比因子、哈比比理論，和哈比比法。他參與Messerschmit公司開發A-300B空中巴士的研發。1974年，哈比比升任公司的副總經理。[6]
1974年，蘇哈圖延攬哈比比回國，希望他可以促進印尼的工業化和國家發展。哈比比回國後，一開始先擔任Ibnu Sutowo的特別助理，Ibnu是國有石油公司Pertamina的CEO。兩年後，哈比比自己也成了另一家新成立國有石油公司Industri Pesawat Terbang Nusantara（IPTN）的CEO[6]（1985年，PT. Nurtanio公司改名為「印尼航空工業公司」（Indonesian Aviation Industry），現在則稱印尼航空航天公司（Dirgantara公司））。1978年，他被任命為研究與技術部部長，但他仍然在IPTN佔有重要地位。[6]1980年代，IPTN的規模大幅擴張，特別是在直升機和小型客機的製造業；到了1991年，哈比比扶植了十家國有企業，項目包含造船、火車建造、鋼鐵、武器、通訊和能源等等[6]。一項在1993年做的估計顯示，哈比比每年大概撥20億美金在建設，但由於當時的政府財政不透明，以致於這些工業在當時的實際規模無法完全探知[7]。
為了提振印尼的航空工業，他採取了一個名叫「Begin at the End and End at the Beginning」的策略[8]。 他首先著重於飛機的實際生產，暫時先不聚焦於研發。在哈比比的領導之下，IPTN成為Puma直升機和CASA飛機的製造商。1995年，IPTN開發了一種小型客機「N-250 Gatokaca」，但最後此計畫在商業上遭遇失敗。
為了打擊貪污，並進行改革，哈比比組成一個特別委員會，希望建立政府的誠信。著名律師阿德南·布央·納蘇蒂安（Adnan Buyung Nasution）應邀主持此委員會，但納蘇蒂安的職權過大，使哈比比無法接受，最後以他的親信檢察總長安迪·穆罕默德·加利卜（Andi Muhammad Ghalib）取代他。
在哈比比任職國家研究和技術部部長期間，他推動了海外獎助學金計畫（Overseas Fellowship Program，OFP）、科學統籌發展計劃（Science and Manpower Development Program，SMDP）和科技促進工業發展計畫（Science and Technology for Industrial Development，STAID）等重要計畫，這三個計畫補助了數以千計的學生到國外取得碩士及博士學歷。
2006年9月，哈比比著《關鍵時刻：民主印尼的迢迢長路》（Detik-Detik Yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi），書中回憶1998年5月時，他是如何被一路擢升至總統大位。他還爭議性地指控蘇哈圖的女婿普拉博沃·蘇比安托中將，和指揮官Kostrad曾在1998年5月策畫了一場推翻他的政變。
Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (Indonesian: [baxaˈrudːin ˈjusuf haˈbibi](listen); 25 June 1936 – 11 September 2019) was an Indonesian engineer and politician who was the President of Indonesia from 1998 to 1999. He succeeded Suharto whoresigned in 1998, only two months after his inauguration as Vice President. His presidency is seen as a transition to the post-Suharto era. Upon becoming president, he liberalized Indonesia's press and political party laws, and held an early democratic election in 1999, which resulted in the end of his presidency. His presidency was the third, and the shortest, after independence.
In 1962, Habibie returned to Indonesia for three months on sick leave. During this time, he was reacquainted with Hasri Ainun, the daughter of R. Mohamad Besari. Habibie had known Hasri Ainun in childhood, junior high school and in senior high school at SMA Kristen Dago (Dago Christian Senior High School), Bandung. The two married on 12 May 1962, returning to Germany shortly afterwards.[11] Habibie and his wife settled in Aachen for a short period before moving to Oberforstbach. In May 1963 they had a son, Ilham Akbar Habibie.[12]
Habibie later found employment with the railway stock firm Waggonfabrik Talbot, where he became an advisor in designing train wagons.[13] Due to his work with Makosh, the head of train constructions offered his position to Habibie upon retirement three years later, but Habibie refused the position.[14][13]
In 1965, Habibie delivered his thesis in aerospace engineering and received the grade of "very good" for his dissertation, giving him the title Doktoringenieur (Dr.-Ing.). During the same year, he accepted Hans Ebner's offer to continue his research on Thermoelastisitas and work toward his Habilitation, but he declined the offer to join RWTH as a professor per se. His thesis about light construction for supersonic or hypersonic states also attracted offers of employment from companies such as Boeing and Airbus, which Habibie again declined.[15]
Habibie did accept a position with Messerschmitt-Bölkow-Blohm in Hamburg. There, he developed theories on thermodynamics, construction, and aerodynamics known as the Habibie Factor, Habibie Theorem, and Habibie Method, respectively. He worked for Messerschmitt on the development of the Airbus A-300B aircraft. In 1974, he was promoted to vice president of the company.[16]
In 1974, Suharto recruited Habibie to return to Indonesia as part of Suharto's drive to industrialize and develop the country. Habibie initially served as a special assistant to Ibnu Sutowo, the CEO of state oil companyPertamina. Two years later, in 1976, Habibie was made Chief Executive Officer of the new state-owned enterprise Industri Pesawat Terbang Nusantara (IPTN).[16] (In 1985, PT. Nurtanio changed its name to Indonesian Aviation Industry and is now known as Indonesian Aerospace (Dirgantara)). In 1978, he was appointed as Minister of Research and Technology. He continued to play an important role in IPTN other "strategic" industries in this post.[16] By the 1980s, IPTN had grown considerably, specializing in the manufacture of helicopters and small passenger planes; by 1991, Habibie oversaw ten state-owned industries including ship- and train-building, steel, arms, communications, and energy.[16] A 1993 estimate determined that the estimates used nearly $2 billion a year in state funding, although the government's opaque accounting practices meant that the size of the industries was not completely known.[17]
In developing Indonesia's aviation industry, he adopted an approach called "Begin at the End and End at the Beginning".[18] In this method, elements such as basic research became the last things upon which to focus, whilst actual manufacturing of the planes was placed as the first objective. Under Habibie's leadership, IPTN became a manufacturer of aircraft including Puma helicopters and CASA planes. It pioneered a small passenger airplane, the N-250 Gatokaca, in 1995, but the project was a commercial failure.[19]
When Habibie was State Minister for Research and Technology, he created the OFP (Overseas Fellowship Program), STMDP (Science Technology and Manpower Development Program) and STAID (Science and Technology for Industrial Development). These three programs provided scholarships to thousands of high school graduates to earn their bachelor's degrees in the STEM fields and for other technical professionals to continue their study for master's and doctorate program in the United States, Europe, Japan, and other countries.[20]
Habibie was, continuously, a member of six Indonesian cabinets for over 20 years. He was first appointed as a cabinet member by president Suharto in 1978. He then served in another five cabinets (including theDevelopment Reform Cabinet which, as president he formed after the resignation of Suharto in May 1998):
1994 ABC news report of Suharto announcing he would retire in 1998, including an interview with Habibie, who was Minister of Research and Technology, declaring no interest in becoming president.
In Suharto's regime, as was expected of senior government executives, Habibie became a member of the Golkar organisation. He was appointed as the deputy daily coordinator for the chairman of the executive board in 1992 by Suharto, and the following year he became the daily coordinator.[21]
Habibie(center) as GolkarBoard of Patron member during the 1997 campaign in Tanah Abang, Jakarta.
In January 1998, after accepting nomination for a seventh term as President, Suharto announced the selection criteria for the nomination of a vice president. Suharto did not mention Habibie by name, but his suggestion that the next vice president should have a mastery of science and technology made it obvious he had Habibie in mind.[22]
In that year, in the midst of the Asian Financial Crisis, this suggestion was received badly, causing the rupiah to fall. Despite this, Habibie was elected as Vice President in March 1998.[23]
Habibie taking his presidential oath on 21 May 1998.
On 21 May 1998, just two months after Habibie became vice president, Suharto announced his resignation, and Habibie succeeded him as president. The following day, Habibie announced the Development Reform Cabinet, which removed some of the most controversial ministers in Suharto's last cabinet while maintaining others - with no major figures from the opposition. Within days of his appointment, he requested people related to him to resign from government positions, promised an early election, revocation of some legislations, and the release of political prisoners.[24]
In late 1998, John Howard, the Prime Minister of Australia, sent a letter to Habibie suggesting that Indonesia defuse the East Timorese issue by providing autonomy to be followed by the promise of a referendum in the long run, following the method used by France to settle New Caledonian demands for independence. Wishing to avoid the impression that Indonesia ruled East Timor as a colony, Habibie surprised some by announcing that a referendum, offering a choice between special autonomy and independence, would be held immediately in East Timor. Military leaders (collectively known as ABRI) were not consulted on this decision.[26]
On 30 August 1999, the referendum was held and the East Timorese people overwhelmingly chose Independence in mostly free and fair elections. However, the retreat of Indonesian troops from East Timor created the 1999 East Timorese crisis where many were killed. Although Habibie favored the quick deployment of a UN peacekeeping force to halt violence, the military opposed this plan. On 10 September, General Wirantoallegedly threatened to stage a military coup if Habibie allowed in peacekeeping forces, causing Habibie to back down.[27]
The MPR Special Session in November 1998 decried the presence of corruption in Indonesia, focusing particularly on Suharto.[28] In response to this, Habibie then appointed Andi Muhammad Ghalib as Attorney General.[23] A tape of a telephone conversation between Habibie and Ghalib was made public. It raised concerns about the veracity of the investigation by suggesting that the interrogation of Suharto was intended only for public appearances.[29]
Under Habibie, the Indonesian government also began investigating and prosecuting Suharto's youngest son,Tommy Suharto. Tommy was charged by Ghalib in December 1998 in conjunction with the Goro scandal, where the government, under pressure from Tommy, allegedly gave him a desirable parcel and below-market loan for the construction of a Goro supermarket. However, Tommy was found innocent in the case after several key witnesses, including one of Habibie's aides - Rahardi Ramelan - changed their testimony and declared that the deal did not cause losses to the state.[30]
In terms of economy, Habibie's government stabilized the economy in the face of the Asian financial crisis and the chaos of the last few months of Suharto's presidency.[31] Habibie's government began to make conciliatory gestures towards Chinese-Indonesians who, because of their elite status, were targeted in the riots of 1998. In September 1998, Habibie issued a 'Presidential Instruction' forbidding use of the terms pribumi and non-pribumito differentiate indigenous and non-indigenous Indonesians.[32]
In May 1999, Habibie issued a further instruction directing that a display of an ID card would suffice as proof of Indonesian citizenship, whereas previously, displaying a 'Letter of Evidence of Republic of Indonesia Citizenship' (SBKRI) was required, in addition to abolishing the official use of the terms "pribumi" and "non-pribumi" (i.e. "native" and "non-native". Additionally, he lifted restrictions on the teaching of Mandarin Chinese.[33]
Under Habibie, Indonesia made significant changes to its political system that expanded competition andfreedom of speech. Shortly after taking office, in June 1998, Habibie's government lifted the Suharto-era restriction on political parties and ended censorship by dissolving the Information Ministry. He also quickly committed to holding democratic elections, albeit on an initially vague timetable. In December, he proposed political reform laws that were passed by the legislature and MPR session. These laws set elections for December 1999, reduced the number of seats in parliament held by the military, and barred political activity by civil servants.[34]
However, political opponents criticized Habibie for agreeing to give the military some seats in parliament, and taking little action on other military and judicial reforms.[35]
Habibie's government also passed laws which granted significant autonomy to regional governments, namely at the regency/city level. The laws resulted in indirect elections for mayors and regents, and allowed local legislatures to hold said executives accountable, though it was not implemented until after his presidency.[36]
Although he had been viewed as leading a transitional government, Habibie seemed determined to continue as president. He was initially unclear about whether he would seek a full term as president when he announced parliamentary elections in June 1998.[34] Habibie faced opposition from many within the government party, Golkar; in July 1998, he struggled to win control of the party by appointing Akbar Tandjung as chair of the party, but was ultimately able to defeat a rival camp including former Vice PresidentTry Sutrisno, Defence Minister Edi Sudrajat, Siswono Yudhohusodo, and Sarwono Kusumaatmadja.[37]
However, at the same time, Habibie began to lose support from Akbar Tandjung and a faction in Golkar, composed of both reformers and hardliners, that wanted to oust him. In March 1999, Golkar put forth five presidential nominees: Habibie, Tandjung, Wiranto, Hamengkubuwono X, and Ginandjar Kartasasmita.[38] In May 1999, Golkar announced that Habibie would be their presidential candidate after extensive lobbying, but a large faction in the party remained loyal to Tandjung and opposed to Habibie.[39]
At the 1999 MPR General Session in October, Habibie delivered an accountability speech which was a report of what he had achieved during his presidency. Once this was completed, MPR members began voting to decide if they would accept or reject his speech. Habibie attempted to win the support of the military by offering the vice-presidency to General Wiranto, but his offer was declined.[40] Tandjung's Golkar faction broke with the ranks and voted against him, and his accountability speech was rejected by 355 votes to 322, and Habibie withdrew his nomination as President.[41]
Since relinquishing the presidency, he spent more time in Germany than in Indonesia, though he was active during Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's presidency as a presidential adviser. During this time, he established the Habibie Centre.[42]
In September 2006, he released a book called Detik-Detik Yang Menentukan: Jalan Panjang Indonesia Menuju Demokrasi (Decisive Moments: Indonesia's Long Road Towards Democracy). The book recalled the events of May 1998 which led to his rise to the Presidency. In the book, he controversially accused Lieutenant GeneralPrabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law (at that time) and the Kostrad Commander, of planning a coup d'état against him in May 1998.[43]
In response to his death, the Government of Indonesia announced a three-day national mourning period, and announced that the Indonesian flag was to be flown at half-mast.[52]
Habibie was married to Hasri Ainun Besari, a medical doctor, from 12 May 1962 until her death on 22 May 2010. The couple had two sons, Ilham Akbar Habibie and Thareq Kemal Habibie. B. J. Habibie's brother, Junus Effendi Habibie, was Indonesian ambassador to the United Kingdom and the Netherlands.[53][54] After his wife's death, Habibie published a book titled Habibie & Ainun which recounts his relationship with Hasri Ainun from their courtship until her death. The book was adapted into a film of the same name which was released on 20 December 2012.[55]
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